The Three Big Reasons Republicans Can’t Replace Obamacare.

Robert Reich

FRIDAY, JANUARY 6, 2017

Donald Trump says Republicans should repeal the Affordable Care Act immediately, and replace it with new legislation “shortly thereafter.” House Speaker Paul Ryan claims Republicans will try to repeal and replace the law “concurrently.” 

No chance. At least not if they want to avoid the specter of over 20 million Americans stranded without health insurance.

Repeal of Obamacare without replacement by an equivalent or better program will deny life saving care to millions – tens of thousands of whom will die of preventable or treatable conditions. 

But Republicans can’t and won’t replace Obamacare, for three big reasons.  

First, Republicans say they want their replacement to be “market-based.” But Obamacare is already market based – relying on private, for profit health insurers. 

That’s already a problem. The biggest health insurers – Anthem, Aetna, Humana, Cigna, and United Health – are so big they can get the deals they want from the government by threatening to drop out of any insurance system Republicans come up with. Several have already dropped out of Obamacare. 

Even now they’re trying to merge into far bigger behemoths that will be able to extort even better terms from the Republicans.                

Second, every part of Obamacare depends on every other part. Trump says he’d like to continue to bar insurers from denying coverage to individuals with preexisting conditions. 

But this popular provision depends on healthy people being required to pay into the insurance pool, a mandate that Republicans vow to eliminate. 

The GOP also wants to maintain coverage for lower-income Americans, but they haven’t indicated how. More than 80 percent of Americans who buy health insurance through Obamacare receive federal subsidies. Yet Republicans have no plan for raising the necessary sums. 

Which gets us to the third big reason Republicans can’t come up with a replacement. 

Revoking the tax increases in Obamacare – a key part of the repeal – would make it impossible to finance these subsidies.

The two biggest of these taxes  – a 3.8-percentage-point surtax on dividends, interest and other unearned income; and a 0.9-percentage-point increase in the payroll tax that helps fund Medicare – are also the most progressive. They apply only to people earning more than $200,000 per year. 

Immediately repealing these taxes, as the GOP says it intends to do, will put an average of $33,000 in the hands of the richest 1 percent this year alone, and a whopping $197,000 into the hands of the top 0.1 percent, according to the Tax Policy Center. 

The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities estimates that the 400 highest-income taxpayers (with incomes averaging more than $300 each) would each receive an average annual tax cut of about $7 million.

It would also increase the taxes of families earning between $10,000 and $75,000 – including just about all of Trump’s working class voters. 

Worse yet, eliminating the payroll tax increase immediately pushes Medicare’s hospital fund back toward the insolvency that was looming before Obamacare became law. 

Ultimately, the only practical answer to these three dilemmas is Medicare for all – a single payer system. But Republicans would never go for it. 

So without Obamacare, Republicans are left with nothing. Zilch. Nada. 

Except the prospect of 20 million people losing their health insurance, a huge redistribution from the working class to the very rich, and tens of thousands of avoidable deaths.

Attributes to Maryan Omar Ali (Aryette)

    Tacsi for Maryan (Aryette) Omar Ali 

              Lidwien Kapteijns 

  Inna lillah wa inna ilayhi raji’un 

     Maryan        Omar Ali 

                (Aryette) 

         —a life dedicated to Somali popular song 

young. They lived and worked in, among other places, Hargeisa, Jow- 

On December 7, 2011, Maryan Omar Ali, also known to people as Ary- 

ette, passed away in the McCall Medical Center in Etobicoke, Canada. 

She had struggled with breast cancer for many years. 

  Born in Djibouti before its independence in 1977, Maryan and her 

mother, Sahra Omer Goud, moved to Somalia when Maryan was very 

har, and Mogadishu. Maryan attended school in Hargeisa and Jowhar 

(the Mennonite school). However, while she was still a teenager, she 

managed to join Somali Airlines, first as a stewardess and later as a 

cashier and office manager. For a time she also returned to Djibouti, 

where she worked for Air Djibouti. In 1991 Maryan came to Canada. 

                                                          

She lived in Ottawa for four years and then moved to Toronto. 

  Somali popular songs were Maryan’s life-long love. She had been 

introduced to the Somali theater and songs in Hargeisa in the early 

1960s by her uncle, Hassan Sheikh Muumin. She grew up around 

the singers, spending much of her time with them in their work and 

living space. Maryan was among the first Somalis to see the social as 

well as intellectual and artistic value of the songs and plays, the social 

commentary and critique they embodied, and the ways in which they 

helped bring about political and social change. From the time she was 

a young girl until her death, Maryan cherished the songs; was a friend 

and support for many singers; and organized, documented, and stud- 

ied the music cassettes she accumulated. She often told us that, had she 

had a voice, she would have been a singer herself and thanked God for 

having protected her from the hard life singers in Somalia have so often 

faced. The singers are loved for their songs by every Somali, Maryan 

used to say, but they do not get the proper respect they deserve as our 

society’s truest and most eloquent spokespeople, teachers, and critics; 

and they rarely get adequately compensated financially. Maryan also 

regretted that the intellectual property of artists has not been respected 

more in the Somali context and this contributed to her desire to docu- 

ment who created the words and melody of a particular song and 

which singers and musicians performed it. She felt strongly that artists 

deserve credit and compensation for their artistic achievements and 

hoped to see progress in this area. 

  Maryan never developed a taste for (post-) civil war songs, largely 

because the songs of the 1960s–1980s reflected her own deep com- 

mitment to Somali nationalism—a modern, authentically Somali and 

organically Muslim national identity—one that, moreover, allowed 

women the space to pursue their dreams. As a young girl who was 

free-spirited and very active (some people jokingly called her Maryan 

wiilo), she did not easily fit all the conventions of her environment. 

Though the nation was proud of its first generation of beautiful and 

highly professional stewardesses, pioneers such as Maryan did not 

always get equal opportunity or equal pay for equal work. Hassan 

Sheikh Muumin’s lines from Shabeelnaagood captured its time elo- 

quently: Nagaadiga adduunyada qayb ku maleh naaguhu; xeerkii sidaa 

naqaa nimankaa samaystee. However, in all the positions Maryan held, 

in Somalia, in Djibouti, and eventually (before her illness) in Canada, 

she won the full respect and friendship of her supervisors and fellow 

workers. She was known to all for her hard work, total honesty, loy- 

alty, supportiveness to others, kindness, and generosity. To colleagues, 

friends, and family, Maryan gave even more freely of herself, even if 

this was at times at her own expense. 

  I owe my love and knowledge of Somali popular songs to Maryan, 

just as she developed a further interest in transcribing and document- 

ing the songs, I believe, through her collaboration with me. I still 

remember seeing her in North America for the first time. She came 

with a huge blue aluminum trunk that was full of Somali music cas- 

settes. We called it doonida jacaylka and it never ran out of new songs for 

us to listen to. “Ladan, come and sit with me.” “Maryan, I am busy.” 

“Let’s listen to some songs.” “But I don’t understand them.” “Then I 

will tell you what they mean. Now bring your tea and sit down!” The 

rest is history, as they say. I too fell in love with the songs and—over 

the years, in Ottawa, Toronto, and Wellesley—we spent months and 

months listening to them, transcribing them, making rough trans- 

                          Lidwien Kapteijns 

lations of them, and always also simply enjoying them. Eventually 

this also led to an academic publication, Women’s Voices in a Man’s 

World (Heinemann, 1999), whose second part deals with the love songs 

of the 1960s–1980s. However, Maryan cared most about the artistic 

beauty, linguistic brilliance, creative impulse, emotional power, and 

social message of the songs. The popular songs to which Maryan dedi- 

cated so much of her life have indeed inspired a whole generation of 

Somalis. 

  Maryan loved all genres of songs, from love songs to nabi ammaan. 

However, the waddani songs of the 1960s and 1970s were and remained 

among Maryan’s favorites. Like her mother, who first actively par- 

ticipated in the struggle for independence and later represented the 

new Somali state as a member of many foreign delegations, Maryan 

believed in soomaalinimo, which she saw as a cultural, linguistic, and 

historical umbrella that could provide shade and protection for Soma- 

lis in all their diversity. 

  Having come of age together with the new nation and at the height 

of Somali nationalism, Maryan (as well as her mother) held fast to 

some of the central values of the 1960s. Their ilbaxnimo, or cosmopoli- 

tanism, was not only the simple elegance of living that was associated 

with Mogadishu in that period but also the ilbaxnimo of tolerance and 

mutual respect—the philosophical principle that gives others the space 

to be themselves, that respects and accepts all kinds of people and that, 

eventually, measures them only by the quality of their dadnimo and 

soomaalinimo and never by some aspect of the identity or background 

into which they were born and over which they had no control. The 

clan chauvinism and divisiveness that came later were always alien to 

them. 

  Maryan did not like Somali clan politics and stayed away from it in 

word and deed. She despised any form of clan chauvinism and clan- 

based divisiveness. When, at the height of the civil war, Somali fannaan 

made that mistake and lent his or her artistic voice to a program of 

clan hatred, she too was disappointed, because, before the civil war, 

Somali artists had been the voice of the nation par excellence. However, 

if anyone dared to criticize a singer for having shown such clan bias, 

Maryan would defend that fannaan fiercely. She found such accusers 

hypocritical; how could Somali artists alone be held to a standard that 

the large majority of political leaders and many intellectuals and com- 

mon people had failed to meet? Maryan felt strongly that the work of 

an artist’s lifetime should not be denied just because he or she, like too 

                                                     

many other Somalis, was temporarily swept up in the hate-speech of 

the civil war. Thus she always was a passionate advocate for the Somali 

fannaaniin, these national figures who as ordinary human beings with 

extraordinary gifts always were both powerful and vulnerable at the 

same time. 

  Until the very end, Maryan had not only her mother by her side but 

also a group of Somali women (and men) who lived in or near their 

apartment building and made helping Maryan and her mother part of 

their daily routine. Many of them were close and distant relatives with 

roots in the Borama area (such as Safia Jama) but there were many oth- 

ers as well, including Hooyo Sahra’s life-long friend Khadiija Islaw. In 

them Maryan and her mother are truly blessed. 

  Maryan never complained about the illness with which she strug- 

gled for so long. Both she and her mother found strength and forbear- 

ance in their faith. They answered all expressions of sympathy and 

sadness with the words: Ilaahay mahaddii—waa wixii Rabbi qoray. 

  We will miss Maryan. Allah ha u naxariisto. We will keep her in our 

minds and hearts and try to live up to the standards of dadnimo and 

ilbaxnimo she held up for us. 

Notes 

1. Samatar, Ahmed I. (2011) “Battling on Two Fronts: Introducing Maryan Omar Ali,” 

Bildhaan: An International Journal of Somali Studies: Vol. 9, Article 8. Available at: http:// 

digitalcommons.macalester.edu/bildhaan/vol9/iss1/8. 

 

Amin Camir, Khumeyniga Soomaaliya

!

Dalka Iran waxaa uu ahaan jiray wadan furfuran (dabacsan) xiriir wanaagsanna la lahaan jiray dalalka kale ee dunida intooda badan xiligii Maxamed Ridaa Bahlavi.

Xiligii Bahlavi, Iran waxey gaartay heerkii ugu sareeyey xagga aqoonta, oo boqolaal reer Iran ah baa sannad walba dibadaha wax barasho loogu qaadi jiray. Waana xiliga seynis-yahanada reer Iran sameysmeen ee maanta jira intooda badan. Tirada shaqo la'aanta Iran waxey gaadhay xiligaa heerkii ugu hooseyey, dhaqaaluhuna kor u kacay.

Dedaalkii Bahlavi waxaa subax kaliya cirka u laalay Rohullah Khumaine oo ahaa wadaad diimeed, oo markaa soo caan baxayey, kadib khudbad uu subax qura u jeediyey dadkii reer Iran, khudbadaa soo ku soo biyo shubaneysay in Bahlavi uu diintoodii ka iibshay reer galbeedka. Dad ka badan malaayiin ayaa subax qura ku yaacay magaalada Tehran iyagoo mudaaharaadaya. Taa soo markii danbe keentay in Bahlavi uu dhaco.

Iran, Bahlavi kadib waxey gashay go'doon siyaasadeed, mid dhaqaale iyo mid wax barasho mudo ka badan 20 sano,

Halka aan doonayey inaan Amin Camir iyo Khumaine isaga ekeysiiyo waa dimoqraadiyada Iran iyo dowrka uu Ayatollah Khumaine-niga maanta jooga uu ku leeyahay, oo ah sidan.

Demoqradiyada Iran waa mid gacanta ugu jidha Ayatollah Khumaine, dadka reer Iran waxey kala doortaan oo qura dhowr qof oo uu Khumaine soo ansixiyey, waxaana loo yaqaan (Iranian-style democracy) waana nooca dimoqraadiyadeed ee ay diideen dadka reer Hong Kong kadib faragelinta China.
Haddiise uu soo dhex galo murashaxiinta uu Khumaine ansixiyey nin kaloo dool ah, waxaa farta ku fiiqa Khumaine qudhiisa, sidii ku dhacday Cali Akbar Rafsanjani oo mar isu soo taagay doorashada Madaxweynaha. Khumaine khudbo jumce oo aad loo dhageysto ayuu ku canbaareyey Rafsanjani oo ku sheegay inuu yahay Bahlavi-gii 2aad. Taasina waxey gabagabeysay murashaxnimadii Rafsanjani.

F.G. Rafsanjani caradii waagaa ka raacday wuxuu halgan u galay inuu galo gudi 7 qof ah oo iyagu soo doorta hogaamiyaha ugu sarreeya ee ruuxiga ah ee Iran, si uu uga hortago in uu yimaado hoogaamiye ruuxeed oo nooca Ayatollah oo kale ah, wuuna soo soo galay!

Amin Caamir waa farshaxaniiste leh malaayiin la dhacsan farshaxankiisa gaar ahaan kuwiisa xagga siyaasadda.

Amin fikirkiisa gaarka ayaa si weyn farshaxankiisa looga dheehdaa kaa soo hadba uu shacabka ugu tilmaamo murashaxa uusan dooneyn oo uu ku lamaansho Ethiopia iyo midka uu doonayo oo uu wadani ka dhigo.

Xiligii madaxweyne Cabdulahi, Waxaan kala garan kari waayi jiray Amiin Caamir iyo maxaakimtii. Tan maantana adaan kuu deyn.

Maxey kula tahay

Goormuu xalku dhow yahay

Waxaan ku bilaabayaa hadal gaaban oo uu jeediyey af-hayeenka baarlamanka Mareykanka, si aan is bar bardhig siyaasadeed u sameyno. John Boehner: “It had become clear to me that the prolonged leadership turmoil would do irreparable”

Wey ii cadaatay in hogaamin ku saleysan weerar iyo weerar celis (qas) oo daba dheeraada, ay ku sababi karto waxyeelo aan la hagaajin karin hey’adda baarlamanka (congress-ka)

Boehner wuxuu ahaa af-hayeenkii baarlamanka (congress-ka) Mareykan. Wuxuu isu casilay kadib markuu ogaaday is heyssiga iyo muranka xoogan ee u dhaxeeya siyaasiyiinta labada xisbi (republican and Democratic party) iyo gaar ahaan kan xisbigiisa ka sii dhex jira ee hangoolka uu dadka uga hayo koox mayal adag oo xisbigiisa kala tirsan, in hogaanka noocaa ah ee qasan, sababi kareyso wax yeelo adag oo aan hadhow la maarey karin. Hadaba inta aaney taa dhicin wuxuu go’aan ku gaaray inuu isagoo weli sii jooga ay dhicin oo uu hadeer isaga tago oo aan magac xun ka raacin.

Waa caqli iyo hab fakar aan ka iman karin hogaamiye African ah.

Hogaankii qaldanaa ee Madaxweyne Max’ed Siyaad Barre ee uu ku garan waayey inuu kaga kawareego hogaanka inta aaney ka dhalan waxyeelo aan la hagaajin karin, waxey sababtay in wadankii Soomaaliya la oran jiray ceelkii uu ku dhacay waagaa 25 sano ka kadib laga soo saari la’yahay ilaa hadda.

Maputo, Mugabe, Charles Taylor, Laurent Gbagbo iyo kuwo kaloo badan waxey iyana ahaayeen welina yihiin qaar ka mida oo jooga keli talisyayaal waxyeelo dhaqaale, siyaasadeed oo ay adkaatay maareynteeda u geystay wadamadooda.

Lacagta wadanka Zimbabwe waxey mareysaa heerkii ugu xumaa ee uu wadan African ah gaaro, oo $5-ta doolar ee Mareykanka ah waxey u dhigantaa lacagta wadanka Zimbabwe, (not billions but trillions) maaha bilyano ee waxey u dhigantaa kumanaan bilyan oo Zimbabwe-yan ah.

Waxaa jaraa’idad lagu qorayey Bilyineer gaajoonaya, oo macnaheedu yahay qofka reer Zimbabwe ee heysta $5 doolar marka uu lacagta gudaha wadankiisa u badasho waxey u noqoneysaa billions hadana maaha qof qani ah.

Mugabe maaha ninka kaliya ee reer Zimbabwe ugu caqli badan, maaha ninka kaliya ee istaahila inuu dalkaa u taliyo. Wuxuu talada la wareegay 1987 ilaa hadda waa 28 sano, dadka reer Zimbabwe waxey xaq u leeyiin in ay talada wax ku yeeshaan, waxna doortaan lana doorto.

Hab fikirka John Boehner iyo garashadiisa waa midaan marnaba laga heli karin, hogaamiyayaasha Africa qaarkood.

Qofku waa inuu gartaa maalinta xalka uu dhow yahay.

F. W. de Klerk wuxuu ahaa Madaxweynihii ugu danbeeyey oo cadaan ah ee dalka South Africa (Koonfur Afrika) waayihii midab takoorka.

Xiligiisii waxaa isa soo tray kacdoonkii dadkii madoobaa ee wadankiisa, waxaa la gaaray heer aad u kharaar, wuxuu ogaaday haddii uu wadanka sidaa ku sii hayo in S. Africa ay ku dhici doonto god ay adag tahay in mustaqbalka laga soo saaro.

Wuxuu kaloo ogaaday qofka keliya ee caawa S. Africa badbaadin karaya uu yahay Nelson Mandela.

F. W. de klerk wuxuu go’aan ku gaaray inuu ka wareego talada dalka, xabsigana ka soo saaro Mandela oo ah ninka kaliya ee caawa dalka badbaadin kara.

F. W. de klerk waxaa uu xabsiga ka soo saaray oo dadkii S. Africa la hadlay habeenkaa Nelson Mandela.

Mandela wuxuu jeediyey habeenkaa khudbad taarikhi noqotay. Daqiiqadahaa is bedelka ah ee uu sameeyey F. W. de klerk waxey noqotay mid wax ka badashay hab socodkii taariikheed ee S. Africa iyo caalamka.

Gabagabo fadlan garo maalinta xalku dhow yahay, ha taageerin keligii taliye is mooday inuu dadkiisa ugu caqli badan yahay.

Mahadsanidiin

SAID ABDI HIRSI

Des Moines, Iowa. United States
Email (saidhirsi39@gmail.com

WAR BAAHINTA IYO WARIYAHA … Qeybtii 2aad

 Habsamida warbaahinta

Warbaahinta iyo mihnad kasta oo xirfad sare ah waxey leedahay wax la yiraahdo (ethics) oo macnaheedu yahay (habsami ama nidaam dhaqameed wanaagsan oo xushmad xanbaarsan)
Waana xeer laga doonayo qofkasta oo xirfad sare leh inuu la yimaado ama raaco habsamidaa.

Wariyuhu waa qof xirfad sare leh gaar ahaan marka uu yaha qof loo carbiyey oo iskuul uga soo baxay, habsamida laga doonayo wariyaha inuu muujiyo lana yimaado waa kuwo farabadan, inkastoo aan halkan lagu soo wada koobi karin bal aan wax yar ka sheegno, waana sidan.
1- wariyuhu waa qof wacyi ahaan aad u baraarugsan, macluumaadkiisuna aad u badan yihiin sida
a) ka warqabida wixii jiri jiray iyo waxa markaa jira
b) xusuus badan oo laga ogaado dhacdooyin dhacay dadkuse si fudud ku ilaaween
c) isku xira dhacdooyinka haddii ay jiraan kuwo hore oo la mida kuwa markaa taagan

2- wariyahu waa qof hadal yaqaana hadana heli og, kala xusha weedhaha
3- wariyuhu waa qof wax akhriya, sida buugaagta la qoray iyo waxa warbaahinada kaleba ee ay qoreen
4- wariyuhu waa qof xurmeeya afkaaraha kala duwan ee dadku qabaan
5- wariyuhu waa qof isxakameyn og hadey caro timaado inta uu howsha ku guda jiro
6- wariyuhu waa qof xaqiiqda raadiya, kuna fakara intaad noqon laheyd wariyihii u horeeyey ee dhacdada beenta ah faafiya noqo kan ugu dambeeya dhcdada runteeda soo sheega
7- wariyuhu waa qof soo bandhiga dhacdooyinka ee maaha qof xukuma (sida hebel waa danbiile) iyadoo hebelkaasi aanu jirin dacwad ooge ku cadeeyey danbiga iyo maxkamad soo xukuntay toona
8- waa qof muuqaalkiisa wanaajiya had iyo goor, lagana garto labiskiisa inuu yahay qof xirfad sare leh
9- wariyuhu waa qof si aan toos aheyn dadka wax uga bartaan
10- waa qof hal wax oo uu sheegay duni dhami isku yaacin kara

Aqristow mar haddii warbaahinta iyo wariyuhu yihiin awood wax badali karta, sow kulama aha iney noqdaan kuwo masuuliyad dareema. Kawaran kuweena Soomaalida

Maxey kula tahay

WAR BAAHINTA IYO WARIYAHA

Inkastoo war baahintu aaney la bilaaban bilowgii nolosha aadanaha, hadana waxaa sababay jiritaankeeda ilbaxnimadii isa soo tareysay ee ay dunidu gaareysay. Marka laga tago mar xaladaha ay soo martay iyo sida ay ku bilaabatay war baahintu, hadana waxa ay noqotay awood madax banaan, oo aan lagu kadsoomi karin.

War baahintu waxaa lagu tiriyaa qeybta 4aad, marka laga tago siyaasada, dhaqaalaha, iyo cadaalada. Marka la joogo America dastuurka mareykan-ka waxaa si aan rasmi aheyn ugu taala qeybsanka dawlada mareykan inuu yahay 3-qeybood iyo qeyb 4aad oo aan rasmi aheyn.
1- golaha fulinta mareykanka (Madaxweynaha, ku xigeenka, iyo wasiirada)
2- baarlamanka mareykanka (oo isugu jira labada aqal)
3- cadaaladda (justice system-ka) iyo qeybtii 4-aad ee aan rasmiga aheyn waa WARBAAHINTEE.

Anigoo aan ku sii dheeraaneyn taa, war baahintu waxey ka kooban tahay 1- joornaalada la qoro, majaladaha todobaadle-yaasha ah, idaacadaha la dhageysto, kuwa la daawado iyo shabakadaha caqliga badan (internet news sites).

WARIYAHA

Waa qofka kala wada war baahinta mana jirteen war baahini hadaanu wariye jireen. Wariyaha waa qof nasiib u helay inuu ka shaqeeyo mihnad sharaf badan leh,wariyuhu waxaa uu awood u leeyahay inuu la kulmo isla markaana wax weydiiyo, madaxweyne, ra'iisal wasaare, Boqor boqortooyo, qof caana iyo kuwo kale oo badan.
Waa qof weydiin kara (noocyada aan soo sheegnay) su'aal aaney ku dhicin iney weydiiyaan dadka caadiga ah.

Wariyaha iyo war baahintiisaba waxa ay qeyb 3aad ka yihiin guryaha (waalidiinta) iyo iskuulaadka oo ah halka ubadka laga tarbiyadeeyo. Ayaa sidaa si la mid ah ubadku wax uga baranayaa wariyaha war baahinta ka soo jeeda.

Wariyaha waa qof xanbaarsan masuuliyad la mida tan uu xanbaarsan yahay madaxweynaha, wasiirka, qaadiga, waalidka iyo macalinka.

Waa qof aan eray kasta isticmaali karin, maadaama ay daawanayaan, dhageysanayaan, akhrisanayaan dad kala duwan oo qaar caruur noqon karaan.

Wariyaha waa qof xaqiiqda soo bandhiga hadana dhex dhexaad ah, inkastoo taa danbe aaney qasab aheyn. Waayo wariyaha waa qof ku shaqeeya xeerka hey'adda war baahineed ee uu u shaqeeyo, laakiin taa macnaheedu maaha in uu ka tago isticmaalka erayada wanaagsan iyo habsamida.

Wariyuhu waxaa uu ee leeyahay (Ethics) oo ah Habsami. La soco qeybta 2aad.

DR. XEYLE SUUDI IYO DHAQANKA YAA U GARNIQI DOONA?. (Arinka Saado)

Waxaan akhriyey maqaal uu ku qoray website ka (caasimadda.com) nin magaciisa ku laray darajada (Dr), waa Dr Xeyle Suudi. Darajada (Dr) waa title laga soo gaabshay erayga af-ingriisiga ah ee loo qoro sidan (Doctor), erayga Doctor laba nooc ayaa loo kala qeybshaa waana title aqoon xanbaarsan, macanaha 1aad waxaa loo yaqaanaa qofka bartay kuna takhasusay cilmiga caafimaadka aadanaha ama xoolaha (medical doctor), macanaha 2aad waxaa loo yaqaanaa qofka isna bartay aqoonta inteedaa kale oo heysta shahaadada Doctorate-ka ee loo yaqaan "PHD" lagana soo gaabshay (Doctor of Philosophy). Dr Xeyle wuxuu sitaa oo uu soo qortay darajadaa, ma garan karno iney dhab tahay oo uu yahay qof title-kaa leh iyo iney tahay boobkii lagu hayey darajooyinkii cilmiga iyo kuwii ciidanka 20-kii sano ee bur burka lagu jiray.

Hadaan u soo noqdo maqaalkii Dr Xeyle waxaa uu kaga hadlayey fanaanada Soomaaliyeed ee Saado Cali Warsame, waxaa uu isku dayey Dr Xeyle inuu kaga hadlo maqaalka taariikhda Saado, hayeeshee uu qalad badani ka buuxshay isla markaana uu huwiyey af la gaadho aan loo meel dayin. Dr Xeyle waxaa uu fanaanada ku tilmaamay tilmaamo dhowra, sida "hayi raac, dhuuni raac, tuul la isticmaalo, (tuul waa qalab la isticmaalo marka wax la fur furayo ama la dhisayo, IWM. 

Saado waa fanaanad Soomaaliyeed maantana waxaa u dheer iney tahay xildhibaanad Soomaaliyeed, waa qof la dhaliili karo oo taa lama diidi karayo, waayo qofka mar haddii uu "celebrity" noqdo, qof caana ama siyaasiya waa hubaal in ay jirayaan dad badan oo la dhacsan iyo kuwa kaloo badan oo iyana diidan. Marka aad qof ceynkaaya  dhaliileyso waa in dhaliishaadu noqotaa mid xikmadeysan isla markaana ka reeban "shaqsi weerar" adigoo doodaada qodobeynaya, xishood iyo asluubna raacinaya si qofka la dhaliilayaa qudhiisu uu wax ugu qaato inta kale ee maqasha dhaliishaana ama aragtaa ay ula muuqan karto dhaliil wax ku ool ah oo hufan, hadii qofka la dhaliilayaana uu noqdo qof dumara iyana ka sii daran oo waa inaad carabkaaga iyo qalinkaagaba aad u ilaalisaa saadan ugu dhicin wax qadafa oo aad qofkaa dumarka u geysato.

XAGGA DHAQANKA.

Soomaalidu waa dad dhaqan iyo diin leh, si kastoo ay raggu isugu dhacaan, haddana waxaa reebanaan jirtay in xagga qoyska iyo dumarka la iska maro, waxeyna weligeed aheyd ceeb aad u weyn in qof meel fagaare ah gabadh wax uga sheego, hadey dhacdana inta la canaanto oo la isugu tago ayaa xaal iyo xumeyn laga qaadi jiray. Intaa kaliya maahee waxaa reebanaan jirtay ceeb weynna loo arki jiray haddii nin, ku siiyo gabadh uu dhalay in lagaa maqlo (ma rabo) oo aad diido gabadhii lagu siiyey. Raage Ugaas oo ahaa gabyaa caana ayaa gabadh uu jeclaa dhib badana ka maray ugu danbeyn ku guuleystay inuu doono oo la siiyo, Raage xoolo badan ayuu ku baxshay,  xiligii uu u soo diyaar garoobay inuu gabadhii la siiyey ee uu jeclaa la aqal galo, ayaa markii uu reeraha soo gaaray lagu war geliyey in gabadhii Garaad Faarax Garaad Wiil Waal la siiyey oo la aqal galay. Raage dhulkii baa la wareegay maskaxdiisana wax badan baa ku soo dhac dhacayey.

Odeygii gabadha dhalay oo Raage Ugaas la hadlaya ayaa yiri, Raagow war la ceeboobyee wax kaloo aan sameeyana ma aqaane ee maandhow gabadha aad jeclaatay tii kayareyd baa joogta iyadaan ku siiyey. Raage oo ahaa nin qorshe hor leh la kulmay waagiina ku baryey, caro fara badanna ka muuqataa, gabayana xataa ka tiriyey waayadii danbe waxa lagu sameeyey, ayaa haddana ku dhici kari waayey inuu yiraahdo maya oo ma doonayo gabadhaa, isagoo sababo badan oo uu ku gar leeyahayna heystay, xoolana weliba looga qaatay gabadhii ninka kale la siiyey ee godobta looga galay, ugu danbeyn Raage wuxuu ku qasbanaaday inuu ogolaado, taana bal aan ku qotomino sida dhaqanka waanaagsan ee gabdhaha loo ixtiraamo.

XAGGA DIINTA.

Xiligii Nabi Muxamed (NNKAY) waxaa soo dhacay dagaalo dhowr ah, waxaana ka mid dagaaladaa, dagaal kii la oran jiray (Qazwatu Banu Qeynu Qaac) ama "dagaal kii reer Qaynu Qaac". Dagaal kaa sababtii uu ku yimi ayaa waxaa lagu sheegaa in " haweenay muslimad aheyd oo aan magaceeda labsheegin lana qabay, ay u soo adeeg doonatay dukaan ay lahaayeen yahuudii reer Qeynu Qaac ee Madiina daganeyd, dabeetana gabadhii intii ay ku sii jeeday badeecadii ay gadan laheyd ayaa ninkii meesha lahaa inta maradeeda hoosta ka soo jiiday ilaa madaxa ugu xiray, waxaana muuqday gabadhii cowradeedii, nin Ansaartii reer Madiina (saxaabi) ka mid ah oo goobta joogay ileen gabadhuba Ansaariyad bey aheyde ( Anasaar waxaa loo yaqaanay saxaabadii Nabiga NNKHA uu ugu yimi magaalada Madiina) ayaa markiiba weeraray ninkii reer Qeynu Qaac wuuna dilay, raggii kale ee meesha joogay lana reero ahaa ninka la dilay ee Qeynu Qaac baa iyana weeraray saxaabigii reer Ansaareed ilaa ay ka dileen, wuxuuna saxaabigaa u dhintay isagoo gabadhaa difaacaya sharafkeeda. Kadibna arintii baa lawada maqlay waxaana halkaa ka kacay dagaal kii weynaa ee loogu magac daray (duulaan kii Qeynu Qaac) waxaa qisadan buuggaagtooda ku qoray Ibnu Kathiir iyo Ibnu Hishaam, taana aan ku qotomino qiimaha Islaamka u hayo gabdhaha iyo sida loo dhowro.

XAGGA REER GALBEEDKA.

Waxaa laga yaabaa qaar badan oo uu Dr. Xeyle ka mid yahayba ay u heystaan in reer Galbeedku aanay ixtiraamin gabdhahooda, iyo gabadh kasta oo wadamadooda kula nool, laakiinse sidaa maaha, oo waxaad moodaa in sida Soomaalida iyo dadyowga kale ay gabdhahooda dhaqan ahaan u xushmeeyaan, si la mida ama ka wacan ay iyana u xushmeeyaan. 

TUSAALE: Xiligii hardanka doorashada ay ku wada jireen labada Xisbi ee Mareykanka "Dimuqraadiga iyo Jamhuuriga" ayaa sida caadada ah loo qabtaa doodo 2da nin ee markaa Xisbi walba u sharaxan Madaxweynenimada dalka, kadib war-baahinta laga sii daaya, lagana doodaa. Haddaba hardankooda wuxuu gaaraa heer kharaar waxaana dhacda inaan waxba la isula harin, iyadoo aan hadana laga tageyn asluubka waanaagsan ee la isu dhaliilo.

Laakiin waxaa dhacday arin aan lagu tashashan oo hal mar jaah wareer ku keentay wadanka oo dhan, kadib markii haweeney Xisbiga Dimuqraadiga u qaabilsan "Arimaha Istraatiijiyada ee Xisbiga" ay si bareer ah u maagtay Xaaska Murashaxii Jamhuuriga Mitt Romney oo iyaduna magaceedu ahaa Anna Romney, hweeneydaa Dimoqraadiga ah ayaa waxey tiri "Anna Romney weligeed ma shaqeyn, mana garan karto dhibaatada heysa dadka shaqeeya" mar qura ayaa lawada naxay Dimoqraadi iyo Jamhuuriba Obama oo ahaa Murashaxa Xisbiga Dimoqraadiga iyo masuuliyiin kaloo badan ayaa ka dalbaday haweeneydii iney raali gelin ka bixiso, waxaana in badan lagu cel celiyey "dagaalka inaan loo gudbin ama la soo gelin xaasaska iyo qoysaska" si dhaqanka aan looga tagin iyo ixtiraamka qoysasku leeyihiin. Arinkaasi ay haweeneydu ku kacday wuxuu noqday shock taana waxey na tuseysaa in xagga qoysaska iyo dumarka la iska maro ay Khalad weyn tahay, hadey noqon laheyd Muslim iyo dad aan Muslimba aheyn, bal taana aan ku qotomino kawada sinaanshaha umadaha oo dhan, khalad u arkida wax ka sheega gabdhaha goobaha fagaaraha ah.

AADANAHA IYO TAARIIKHDA

       

Erayga "history" taariikh marka aad ka eegto qaamuuska waxaa uu kuu sheegayaa iney tahay "dhacdooyin la keydiyey, loona diyaariyey ama la isugu xijiyey sidey u kala danbeeyeen xagga waqtiga, maalmaha, bilaha, sannadaha iyo qarniyada ay soo sameysmeen. Asal ahaa eraygan (history) wuxuu ka soo jeedaa Greek waxeyna u yaqaaneen ama macnihiisu ahaa "su'aal ama weydiin" waxaa kaloo lagu qeexaa xagga cilmiga, barashada dhacdooyinkii la soo dhaafay, gaar ahaan kuwa la xiriira aadanaha. Ogow sheeko xariirooyinka la xiriira dhaqanka ka mid maaha taariikhaha wax lagu qotomiyo.

Haddaba aadanuhu waa noolaha kaliya ee taariikhda sameeya ama reeba. Inta badan taariikhuhu waxey ka dhex dhashaan bulshooyinka hadba markaa jira, waxeyna aad ugu dhex tarmaan bulshooyinka fur furan oo iyagu aqbali og isbedelada ka dhex dhesha, laakiin taariikhaha inta badan waxa sameeya ama reeba hogaamiye yaasha xagga siyaasadda, dhaqaalaha iyo baarayaasha cilmiga dhabta ah ee soo saara ama xal u hela ciladaha jira ee dhibaatada ku haya aadanaha.

Tusaalooyin badan ayaan jeclahay inaan qormadan idinku tuso, inkastoo siyaasiyiintu ay yihiin dadka ugu badan ee taariikhaha reebay lehna saameynta ugu badan, hadana waxaa dowr muhim ah ka tagey raggii alifay cilmiga xaqiiqiga ah oo inaan magacyadooda xusnana ay muhiim tahay sida, Isaac Newton oo ahaa saynisyahankii xagga fisigiska iyo xisaabaadka, laguna xusuusto daah ka rogiddii cufasjiidadka "gravity". Plato isna wuxuu ahaa philosopher isla markaana aad uga aflaxay macalinkiisii philosopher Socrates, iyo Aristotle oo ahaa ardaygii Plato, dhamaan raggan aan soo sheegnay waxey taariikh dhaxal gal ah uga tageen cilmiga falsafada ee jaamacadaha lagu darso maanta. Adigoo aan ilaaweyn raggii socdaalada wax ku keenay sida Christopher Columbus, iyo Vasco Dagama.

Intaa kadib akhristow ii ogolow inaan ku noqdo siyaasiyiinta oo ah dadka ugu saameynta badan ee taariikhaha ka taga ama sameeya, sida aad ogtahayba bulshooyinka caalamka waxey aad uga sheekeeyaan raggii xagga siyaasad raadka uga tagay, tusaale African- ku waxey aad uga sheekeeyaan raggii xornimada ka shaqeeyey iyo kuwii talada u qabtay xornimadii kadib, halkaa soo ay (stuck) ku noqdeen amaba ay soo dhaafi waayeen, is badelada siyaasadeed oo ku yar aawadeed. Laakiin dadyowga kale ee caalamku sidaa maaha, oo waxey heystaan wax badan oo ay ka sheekeeyaan amaba dib ugu noqdaan marka laga reebo qeybo Asia ka mida oo lagu daray Latin America, kuwaa soo ay la hartay nidaadmyo keli talis ah oo aan u ogoleyn cid kale oo timaada.

Isbadelada hogaamiye yaasha siyaasadda ee wadamada Europe iyo North America kadib doorashayoonka ayaa waxey keentay in wadamadaasi ay soo maraan madaxweynayaal iyo ra'iisal wasaarayaal tiro badan oo mid walba ka tagay taariikho wax ku ool ah, hadaba dhacdooyinka ka dhasha  isbedelada ayaa waxa ay sababtay haddii dhacdo cusubi timaado in taariikhahooda dib loogu noqdo bal iney horey u dhacdaay taa soo kale. Tusaale 20-kii Jan ee sannad kii 2009-kii ayaa markii xilka loo dhaarinayey madaxweynaha hadda xilka haya ee Mareykanka Mr Barack Obama ayaa waxa uu qalday dhaartii uu ka daba oranayey ninkii u dhaarinayey xilka, taasina waxey keentay in dhaartii madaxweynaha dib loogu celiyo maalintii xigtay ee 21-kii Jan 2009-kii, waxaa la is weydiiyey iney horey u dhacday in madaxweye Mareykani oo la soo doortay inuu qaldo dhaartii hadana dib loogu celiyo, keydka taariikhda madaxweynayaashii soo maray wadanka waxaa laga helay ilaa 7 madaxweyne  oo wadanka soo maamulay dhaartiina dib loogu ceshay, laga soo bilaabo madaxweynihii 21aad James A Garfield oo dib loogu ceshay dhaartii taariikhdu markay aheyd 20-kii Sept 1881-kii, waxaa sidoo kale dhaartii lagu ceshay madaxweyne Woodrow Wilson sannadkii 1917-kii. Dwight Eisenhower sannadkii 1957-kii. Ronald Reagan sannadkii 1985-kii iyo kuwo kale oo aanan soo wada qori karin. Sidoo kale Eric Cantor oo ahaa hogaamiyaha inta badan "majority leader" ee congress-ka Mareykanka kana socda xisbiga republican-ka ayaa doorasho hoosaadka xisbigooda qof kii kursiga degmadaasi ku soo geli lahaa congress-ka mar uu u ordayey inuu adkeysto kursigaas oo markaaba uu ku fadhiyey si ugu noqdo markii 8aad ayaa u shaqeyn weyday oo waxaa doorasho hoosaadka uga adkaaday nin aan siyaasadda horey ugu jirin David Brat oo ahaa macalin jaamacadeed oo dhaqaale yahan ah. Hadaba Eric Cantor guul darada ku timi 3 maalmood mudo laga joogo hadda,  isagoo weliba ahaa ragga ugu sar sareeya saraakiisha xisbiga republican-ka ayaa waxey keentay in taariikhda dib loogu noqdo bal inay horey u dhacday qof ilaa heerkaa ah oo lagu jabiyey doorasho hoosaadka labada xisbi midkood, waxaa la soo xusuustay keydkana laga soo helay Mr. Thomas S. Foley oo ahaa gudoomiyihii aqalka Congress-ka in looga adkaaday doorashadii guud sannad kii  1994-kii. 

Hal doornimada siyaasadda waxey keentaa in lala socdo hadba talaabada aad qaadeyso lana geliyo bogga taariikhaha, Mr. Tony Blair ayaa la sheegaa inuu ahaa ninkii soo nooleeyey Xisbiga Labor-ka oo uu ka tirsanaa kadib dedaal badan oo uu geshay iyo aftahannimo dheeraada oo uu la yimi, taa soo keentay in uu ku guuleysto in uu ra'iisal wasaare u noqdo dalka Britain sannadkii 1997-dii, hadaba marka laga hadlayo sida loo soo nooleeyo xisbi siyaasadeed oo sii dhimanaya sida loo soo nooleeyo waxaa tusaale loo soo qaataa Tony Blair oo taarikhda laga eegaa sida uu wax yiri. Sheekooyinkan iyo malaayiin kale oo badan ayaa ka dhaca wadamada dadkoodu jecel yihii in isbedel la helo mar walba, dadkaasina waxey heystaan wax yaabo badan oo ay ka sheekeeyaan oo taariikhahooda soo maray xagga siyaasadda, dhaqaalaha, tacliinta IWM. Laakiin akhristow waxaad ogtaa inaanu taariikh sameyn qof dictator ah oo 40 sano kursi isaga fadhiyey, ma oran karno Mr Mugabe-ga Zimbabwe ayaa taariikh sameeyey ama Qadaafigii reer Liibiya, Max'ed Siyaad-kii Soomaaliya, Xusni Mubaarak-gii Masar iyo dictators-ka kale ee iyagu aan ogoleyn wadamadoodu inay noqdaan kuwo fur furan isbadelna diyaar u ah.

SOMALI WRITTEN SCRIPTS

                                                               SOMALI SCRIPT

(Script definition: dictionary say "the letters or characters used in writing by hand; handwriting,  cursive writing).

Somali language had no written scripts before 1972 but, Somalis were still educated throug other languges, such as English, Arabic, Italian and etc, according to Somali and foreign historians. 
Before 1972 Somalis could write and speak those three languages  fluently. Due to educational stage limits, only elementary levels could be available to graduate, where high schools and colleges were future dreams. But highly qualified teachers and educators were the product of those elementary schools.

Since that, many different Somali script  were proposed after the independent in 1960. Finally Somali Latin alphabet were adopted officially in 1972. The good thing here is to have our own scripts, but the bad thing was when the school syllabus were based on Somali language include the scientific course such as mathematics, biology, chemistry, and so on, all science terminologies were translated into Somali. To my way of thinking, it wasn't pretty awesome to implement such this ugly ideology or to Somalizize the school curriculum which caused huge setback to Somali society. Many Somali scholars suffered language barrier when they travelled to overseas.

Governments shape the societies, yes we had good quality of educational system but, the bad impact was, the change of school syllabus into local language. I wasn't much lucky to be one of Somali National University graduates because of my age, but I wouldn't be so happy too, to look ignorant while I'm educator and graduate from the local National University.

SOMALILAND THE FARYTALE OF THE CENTURY

Culturally every nation on earth has it's own fairytales, Somalis had number of interesting fairytales such as (Dhag dheer, Cigal Shiidaad, Cali Duul Duul, Axmed Beenaale) and etc. Most of these fairytales were published by the Ministry Of Culture And Higher education during civilian and military governments before 1990s. 

The story of Somaliland reminds me, Mr C. S. Lewis who tried to write a fairytale story for his new born baby girl, Mr Lewis thought he could finish his book (The Lion, The Witch And Wardrobe) before his baby girl grew older and older, but something deferent happened, his fairytale is as follows.

   

"Dear Lucy, 

I wrote this story for you, but when I began it I had not realized that girls grow quicker than books. As a result you are already too old for fairy tales, and by the time it is printed and bound you will be older still. But some day you will be old enough to start reading fairy tales again"

Somaliland could not finish the fairytale of breakaway story before the kids grew older, however today for some reason no kid will buy the concept of separation.

SOMALILAND STUCK ON RECOGNITION

Continuing of our last column titled "Somaliland stuck on borders" actually Somaliland didn't stuck on border issues only but, stuck on finding recognition from African countries, Arabs, Wester Europe, North America, Regional, and International Organizations, over the last 22 years too, spending millions of dollars of tax payers money, to hire group of lawyers, advisors, experts, and high mileage trips to overseas.

To all of these nothing done yet to them, except coming back home with empty handed, now the question is, what is wrong with their project, are they in the right side of this process. Simply no to this question, why Somaliland is not in the right position of this process, the answer of this question is as follows.

There are international standars to process such this huge project, let us take examples. Quebec is French spoken State in Canada which twice suggested to be sovereign or independent State from Canada in 1980 and 1995 Quebec leaders started to negotiate with the federal government of Canada, which was the right direction to do this job done, after long debate both Quebec and the federal government agreed to hold referendum for Quebeck citizens either to breakaway or remain part of Canada, the referendum was held and resulted "NO" because of that result Quebec remained to be part of Canada. The biggest reason Quebec couldn't breakaway was, people of Quebec voted down both referendums and were not ready to breakaway from Canada, that is why they voted "NO". 

An other example in Africa,  (Southern Sudan) after 23 years of bloody struggle between SPLA and Sudanese government ended to negotiate on roun table, priorities were given to have peaceful solutions and end the civil war, second project was to create environment to built a coalition government or "National Unity Goverment", third project was power-sharing, fourth project was resource sharing, and fith project was to hold referendum after 5 years, for southerners to breakaway from the rest of Sudan or remain part of it.

What is the main factor both Quebec and Sudanese sides share, Quebec leaders started to negotiate with federal government before declaring any unilateral decisions, but Somaliland declared unilateral decisions with out respect of the mainland. SPLA led by late John Garang agreed with Sudan to have National Unity Government, means to join Sudanese government first and made the refrumdom option last code. Which finally resulted to break from Sudan after 5 years of coalition government. The factor they share both Quebec and SPLA is, being part of system first and negotiated.

Now is there any factor Somaliland shares with these examples we mentioned above, "NO", ok how about the out standing questions of "do Somalilanders agree all of them the idea of breaking away project from mainland Somalia?" What about the different tribes who belong to those States in North Somalia, do they welcome this project or vote down against?. Is there any political disaffection among these tribes?, or is only enough to hear one voice from one tribe one side to declare breakaway decisions, who are the decision makers?, let us analyse all these to our next column.

Continues.......

SAID ABDI HIRSI

Los Angeles, California.

Email: somalitimes@gmail.com

SOMALILAND STUCK ON BORDERS

Since the colonial withdrew from Somalia in 1950s. Italian Somaliland (Southern Somalia) became "a UN trusted territory under Italian administration, and the country was granted internal autonomy for ten years till Somalis held presidential election after independent in 1960.

British Somaliland (Northern Somalia) wasn't that lucky as Italian Somaliland and never had any  formal administration or "internal autonomy" like the Southern Somalia, till Somaliland united with south Somalia under the name of Somali republic.

In 1991 after the collapse of Somali central government, Somaliland declared self imposed government and broke away from the rest of the country.

Since that, Somaliland had suffered a confusion of border issues, arguing there was international border between the North and Southern part of Somalia during British and Italian era. However Somaliland couldn't understand the definition and the difference between "international and inter-state borders, borders define geographic boundaries of political entities such as governments and sovereign States, (remember as we mentioned above British  Somaliland never had any political system, as Italian Somaliland had internal autonomy which could decide her political geographic boundaries), in most cases "International borders are territorial limits of the governments, which are fully controlled and crossed legally only at designated border checkpoints and border zones. Whereby inter-state borders are open, crossed freely and remain unguarded. 

Both British and Italian colony never considered the inter-state borders between the two colony zones in Somalia as International borders, and Somalis used to cross freely. Former (OAU) Organization of African Unity known today (AU) African Union had adopted a border resolutions in OAU charter which says as follows. 

(i)the principle of the respect of borders existing on achievement of national independence, as enshrined in the Charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), Resolution AHG/Res.16(I) on Border Disputes between African States adopted in Cairo in July 1964, and the Con- stitutive Act of the African Union, 
Which means the borders of African Countries will remain as it was when they gained the independent. South and North Somalia had inter-state borders but never International borders.
Continues.....

HOW RECONCILIATIONS CAN BE DONE.

It was long time since the collapse of Somali central government in 1991, which led the end of 21 years of dictatorial rule in the poor nation. Somalia had no friends in any of international communities, after when the dictatorship rule of Somalia cut the ties with the Soviet Union in 1977 and decreased number of Soviet diplomacies in Mogadishu at that time.
A new era of violence had just started, every one of Somalis was aware approaching the doom but, was helpless and nothing could stop. Tough days had just passed, the life of Somalis turned into mystery, civil wars, diseases and  severe droughts broke out in nation wide. Hundreds of thousands were massacred, millions were displaced, and others died of diseases. Floods of refugees escaped to neighboring countries, residential and business places were looted and burnt down, cities and streets were empty, only armed wagons and unprofessional armed  militias could be seen on the streets.

Over 16 reconciliation summits were held to restore peace and order, to rebuild the failed nation and to stop the violence in the last twenty years but, nothing could be solved, Life became harder and harder to Somali folks. Death and distraction were part of their life but, the raise of Islamists and the pirates were the most dangerous situations to Somalis, Islamists who imposed Sharea law to the southern part of the country, had no political plan and   strategy towards reconciliation and international relations. A UN backed weak Somali transitional government based in Baidaio led by late president Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed faced threats from Islamists, things deteriorated. Eventually Islamists were defeated and transitional government moved to the capital after strong military support from neighboring country of Ethiopia.

However the reconciliation process still on the table, and nothing done yet. But the question is what type of reconciliation is needed, how these people can be reconciled, who are the decision makers, politicians, traditional leaders or religious groups?. Where do we start.

WAXAA SAXAFI NOQON KARA OO KALIYA 40 JIR

                   
Dawladda Soomaaliya ayaa todobaadkan gudihiisa u soo gudbisay baarlamanka Soomaaliya hindise sharciyeed shuruudo ku xiraya qofka noqonaya ama ka shaqeynaya saaxaafadda Soomaalida. Hindise sharciyeedkan oo ay golaha wasiirada isku soo wada raaceen ayaa sheegaya sidan (waxaa saxafi noqon kara oo kaliya 40 jir iyo wixii ka weyn). Sababta ugu weyni ee keentay in xukuumada Somaaliya ay cod uga doonto baarlamanka sharcigan  ayaa lagu sheegay inay tahay sidii loo heli lahaa saxaafad iyo saxafi tayo leh, isla markaana lagu hagaajin lahaa anshaxa saxaafadda Soomaaliyeed.
Ma ogin in baarlamanka Soomaaliya uu ansixin doono sharcigan cusub iyo in kale, waxeyse aniga iila muuqataa sharcigani oo ay weheliyaan qodobo kale oo badan inuu yahay mid ciriiri galinya in la helo dad badan oo shaqadaa qabta, mana garan karno wax dawladda Soomaaliya ku qasbaya in ay qaabkaa u hubiso tayada saxaafada iyadoo ay heli karto wadooyin kale oo ay ku hagaajin karto tayada saxaafada iyo saxafiyiinta Soomaaliyeed. Hadaba akhristow ma kula tahay in loo maray wado saxan toosinta anshaxa saxafiga iyo saaxafada Soomaaliyeed intaba?.

Waxaan is weydiiyey in badan horta dawlada inta aaney sharciba keenin ma u diiwaan gashayihiin dhamaan war-baahinta wadanka ka jidha. Shati ma u leeyihiin, waxey u muuqataa inaysan jirin labada qodob aan hadda soo sheegay, hadaba si aan xal uga gaarno ama aan fikrad uga helno akhristow ila eeg qorshayaasha nala haboon in wax lagu hagaajin karo.

Marka hore inaanan meel fog xalka dawladda aysan kaba doonin waxaa ila wanaagsan inay raacdo wadooyinkan.

1- In la diiwaan galiya dhamaan qeybaha kala duwan ee war-baahinta sida (Idaacadaha la iska arko "TV networks", jariiradaha kuwa malinlaha aha ama bil-laha hadba kuu doono ha ahaadee, baraha internetka "news websites" Idaacadaha la dhegeysto "Radio Stations") IWM.

2- In saxafi kasta lagu xiro inuu soo maro imtixaan lagu hubinayo aqoontiisa "barrel test" sida dhaqaatiirta ama lawyers-kaba loo marsiiyo.

3-  In la diyaariyo siminaaro aqoon kororsi ah oo lacag la'aan ah oo saxafiyiinta lagu horu marinayo xirfadooda, ama la furo dugsiyo laga barto saaxafadda "journalism school".

Akhristow haddii intaa kaliya la sameeyo waxaa hubaal ah in la heli karayo saaxafad iyo saxafi tayo leh, laakiinse hadii da'da oo kaliya la badelo ma keeni karto in tayadu ku wanaagsanaan kareyso tan kale waxey keeneysaa qeybo badan oo bulshadii kamida inay shaqo la'aan ku dhacdo oo dhibaato kale oo hor leh la soo biiriyo.

Si kastoo ay ahaataba waxaa hubaal ah anaga iyo madaxda dawladdaba inaanu dooneyno inaan wax hagaajino aanse ku kala aragti duwan nahay oo kaliya wadadii loo mari lahaa, waddanka waa uu naga dhaxeeyaa taladana sidoo kale, hadaba aan talo badsanee adigana muxuu yahay fikirkaagu?.

World's largest building opens in China

 
The design plan for the New Century Global Center in Chengdu, China.  ETCGN 

If the words biggest, largest, tallest or fastest are used, you can bet China is somehow involved. After all, the People’s Republic boasts the world’s biggest shopping mall and museum, tallest statue and highest observation deck, among other superlatives. And, as of this week, you can add the world’s largest free-standing building to the growing list.

The New Century Global Center in Chengdu, in Sichuan in western China, is so big that it’s got its own artificial sun. Indeed, at 500 meters (1,640 feet) long, 400 meters (1,310 feet) wide and 100 meters (325 feet) high, it’s massive enough to hold 20 Sydney Opera Houses or three Pentagons, according to local authorities.

Of course, you won’t find any Sydney Opera Houses or Pentagons inside this 1.76 million-square-meter (18.94 million-square-foot) space. The colossal structure, which opened June 28 under the management of Exhibition and Travel Group, is like an enclosed town, with businesses, offices, shopping malls, theaters, two five-star hotels, a skating rink and even a water park called Paradise Island with an “indoor beach.” The New Century Global Center also boasts a faux Mediterranean village, following the bizarre trend in China for copycat European towns.

The exterior of the new mega-structure is shaped like a wave, while the interior has a marine theme, despite the fact that the nearest ocean is some 1,000 kilometers (620 miles) away. The Japanese-designed artificial sun, meanwhile, will shine 24 hours a day and offer a welcome respite from the thick smog that typically blankets Chengdu’s streets.

The building forms the centerpiece of a recently developed area known as Tainfu New District on the outskirts of Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan. Like many Chinese megacities, this hub of 14 million is rapidly expanding with a growing subway system and a new airport planned for 2020.

Officials had hoped to have the New Century Global Center completed in time for a global forum hosted by the U.S. magazine Fortune that brought presidents and CEOs of some of the world’s largest companies to the city between June 6 and June 8. That didn’t pan out, but the government isn’t shy about its desire for Chengdu to become the economic capital of western China. Chengdu’s GDP reached 800 billion RMB ($130.48 billion) by the end of 2012, according to state media, ranking third among China’s sub-provincial cities.

And Chengdu’s expansion plans are far from over. Indeed, another massive structure is planned just across the road from the New Century Global Center. The Chengdu Contemporary Arts Center, designed by award-winning British-Iraqi architect Zaha Hadid, boasts its own impressive list of features, including an opera house, theater and museum.

Inside the shopping area of the New Century Global Center.  ETGCN

The soon to open indoor beach at the New Century Global Center.  ETGCN

The hotel rooms are seen in the New Century Global Center.  ETGCN