Raza Aslan waxaa uu ka mid yahay dad yar oo si cilmiyeysan u difaaca Islaamka. Isagoo weliba ah nin Islaam ah

Professor Raza Asaln waxaa uu ka mid yahay dad yar oo si cilmiyeysan u difaaca Islaamka waana caalim xagga diimaha ah (Scholar of Religions) waxaa uu barre ka yahay jaamacadda California ama (University Of California) oo ku taal magaalada Riverside ee gobolka California. Dood adag oo dhex martay isaga iyo CNN-ka bal ila yara daawo. Inkastoo ay ahyed 2 sanno ka hor.

Raza Aslan Schooler of Religion and professor of University Of California in Riverside, California.

Raza Aslan waa bare wax ka dhiga Jaamacada la yiraahdo (Jaamacada California) oo iyadu ku taal maagalada Riverside ee gobolka California, (University Of California.) Mr Aslan waxaa uu yimi America isagoo 10 jir ah, sanadkii 1979-kii. Asalan waxa uu waagaa ka soo cararay wadaadkii afganbiga ku qabsaday Iran xiligaa. Raza Aslan waa American asalkiisu yahay Irani. waxaa uu ahaan jiray Muslim, waxaa uu qaatay Christianity-ga, hadana waxaa uu ku soo laabtay Islaamka oo hadda waa Muslim.

Waxaa uu qoray book la magac baxay Zealot: The Life and Times of Jesus of Nazareth. 

Mr Aslan waxaa wareysatay television-ka Fox wareysigaa oo ahaa xili hore hayeeshee xiise badnaa bal yara daawo.

SNL: Donald Trump first press conference

Waa maxay muxaafad

Soomaalidu waa dad aad u sheeko badan, isla markaana ay ku yar tahay wax akhrinta. waxey aad u soo xigtaan cilimiga aan isagu u baahneyn in iskuul loo aado ama looga soo baxo, waa cilmiga la yiraahdo cilmi dhegoodka oo keligii ayaaba iskuul ah, hadaba inta aan ku jirno qormadan aan ugu yeerno Iskuulkii Cilmi Dhegoodka.

Aragti kasta oo badata misana baahda, yeelatana saameyn wax ku ool ah waxey noqotaa iskuul ama wax la darso waxaana loogu magac daraa cidii aragtidaa laheyd. Sida (the school of Aristotle or the theories of Aristotle), oo noqotay mid baahday oo badatay saameyn badana ku yeelatay dadyowga dunida oo dhan ayaa waxey noqotay mid wax laga barto ama iskuul, taa soo keentay in isaga loogu magac daro oo la yiraahdo the school of Aristotle. 

Inkastoo iskuulka cilmi dhegoodka Soomaalida uusan laheyn qof kaliya, hadana waa dhaxal ay heystaan isuguna jira sax iyo khalad intaba mana jidho cid loogu magac daray oo gooni u leh. Hadaan u soo noqodo mowduuca waxaa jiray eray bixino si khalad loo isticmaalo marka la joogo xagga siyaasada, oo koley Soomaalidu ay ka barteen iskuulkoodii cilmi dhegoodka.

Erayadaasi waxaa ka mida erayga muxaafid oo inta badan aad ka dhex maqleyso marka siyaasada laga sheekeysanayo, eraygan waxaad moodaa in loo isticmaalo sidii inuu ka soo horjeedo erayga kale ee mucaarad, oo haddii erayga mucaarad uu ka soo horjeedo muxaafid waa maxay cagsiga erayga mu'ayid?

Erayga muxaafid waa eray laga soo dhiran dhiriyey afka carabiga oo la soomaaliyeeyey, marka la joogo luqada carabiga ee laga soo qaatayna waxaa uu macnihiisu yahay xagga siyaasada sidan (ilaa sasho dhaqankii soo jireenka ahaa) hadaba dadka iyaga u taagan ilaalinta dhaqankii hore waxaa lagu qeexi karaa iney yihiin dad muxaafid ah, halka kuwa ka soo horjeedana ay noqonayaan liberal(s)¹ oo ah isbadal doon. F.G. erayga (liberal) luqada carabiga qudheeda waa ku siyaado waana isla liberal oo eraygu waa laatiin ama (latin).²

Erayga mucaarad oo qudhiisa ah eray carbeed ayaa waxaa ka soo horjeeda erayga kale ee ku beegan ee ah mu'ayid oo isna qudhiisa laga soo qaatay afka carabiga oo macnihiisu yahay taageersan amaa taageero u haya.

Haddaba haddii erayga muxaafad aanu aheyn eray ka soo horjeeda erayga mucaarad maxaa keenay in loo qaato in uu la macno yahay erayga mu'ayid? Dabcan waxaa laga keenay iskuulkii cilmi degood-ka oo aan isagu kala saarin maxaa saxa maxaase qalada. Iskuulkaa soo aan la aqoon cida leh qudhiisa. Hadaan si kale u dhigana malaha waxaa laga keenay BBC-da oo aan mudo dheer dhageysan jirnay oo inooga sheekeyn jidhay 2-da xisibi ee ugu waaweyn ee Britain ka jira kuwaa soo kala ah Conservative party oo macnihiisu yahay xisbiga muxaafidka ah iyo labor party oo ah xisbiga shaqaalah.

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¹ Erayga liberal waxaa uu siyaado ku yahay luqada carabiga qudheeda oo waa latin

² Latin waa luqad dhaqameed ay lahaayeen galbeedka Europe ama roman-kii hore.

Maxey kula tahay

Kala Aragti Duwanaanta, Ma Ismaandhaaf Mise Khilaaf.... Qeybtii 2aad

Erayada (kala aragti, ismaandhaaf, iyo khilaaf) waxey dhaamntood inoo tilmaamayaan isla garasho la'aan arin gooniya oo laga wada hadlay. In lagu kala duwanaado fikradaha hadana uu qof aqbalo in la kala duwanaan karo waa shaqo adag oo u baahan dulqaad.

Ma sahlana in aad dhagahaaga u raariciso qof daldalaya fikrado aadan jecleyn isla markaana uu ku dhibayo dhigeysigeeda, laakiin waxa kaliya ee sababi kara inaad dhageysato waa inaad leedahay dulqaad iyo ilbaxnimo dheeraada oo kuu sheegaysa ixtiraamida fikradaha aadan jecleyn.

Oraahda maldahan ee ingriisiga ah ee oraneysa (agree to disagree) waxa ay soo baxday sanadkii 1770-kii macnaha guud |waa xalinta is afgaran waa ama khilaaf u dhaxeeya laba dhinac oo ay dhamaantood muujinayaan dulqaad iyagoo aan waxba isku raacin.| Hadaan si kooban hadana u sheego waa |aynu ku heshiino inaan is khilaafi karno anagoo aan kala tagin,| hadaan si kale u dhigo waa  |an isu dulqaadano anagoo kala fikrad ah.|

Ogow hab fakarka qof walba waa mid ka duwan kan kale, haddiise aad ku ixtiraamto kuna tixgeliso qof walba fikradiisa erayada khilaaf iyo ismaandhaaf ma noqonayaan kuwo foolxun. kala duwanaanshaha fikradaha waxey abuurtaa dood furan oo wax badan lagu sii kala ogaado. inkastoo in wax la isku raaco wacan tahay hadana (wax isku raacidu) waxey soo afjartaa in hadalku sii socdo ama wax cusub lakala ogaado.

Khilaafka iyo ismaandhaafku waa wax fiican hadii ay yihiin fikrado wax ku hagaagayaan (constructive disagreement,) waa haddii uu dulqaad jiro.
Dowladaha horumaray, kuma aaney horu marin iney technology-yad sameysteen ama nuclear ee waxey ku horumareen waa lahaanshaha dulqaadka (tolerance)  kaa soo asal u ah shey walba oo la qabanayo.

Diinta Islaamka dulqaadka iyo salaada waxaa weyn ama horeeya dulqaadka. Nabiga scw mar uu ka hadlayey dulqaadka iyo salaada waxaa uu ku yiri xadiis saxiixa (Salaadu waa nuur, sabarkuna waa iftiin) sida aad xadiiska ka garan kartaba iftiinka ayaa ka balaaran nuurka.

Si kasta oo ay ahaataba u adkeysiga dhageysiga fikirka kaa soo horjeeda waa ilbaxnimo dheeraad ah.

maxey kula tahay

Kala aragti duwanaanta, ma ismaandhaaf, mise khilaaf

Aadanahu waa noolaha kaliya ee hadla, fakara, hadana furfuran (dabacsan) oo is dhex gala¹. Hadalka waa xiriir xirfadeedka sababy in qofku fakaro² waana  wax yaabaha keenay in aadanuhu ka duwanaado noolaha kale.

Hadaba in la hadlo waxey keentay in la fakaro, in la fakarana waxey keentay in la kala duwanaado xagga fahamka wixii laga fakarayey. Waxaa halkaa ka dhashay eray bixino qeexaya waxa dhacay, A- kala aragti, B- ismaandhaaf, C- khilaaf.

Eray bixinadani marka aan ka fiirsano macnahooda, waxaad moodaa in ay kala duwan yihiin xagga asluubka afsoomaaliga ama dhaqanka Soomaaliga. Erayga (kala aragti) wuxuu u dhadhamayaa sidii inuu yahay eray qeexaya |kala duwanaasho ra'yi oo ku dhisan asluub wanaagsan oo edeb leh,| halka erayga (ismaandhaaf) aad moodo sidii inuu qeexayo |iska hor imaansho fikir, oo wata fara taag taag ama rabshad,| erayga 3aad ee (khilaaf) waxaad isna moodaa sidii inuu ka turjumayo |aragti wax kala fogeyneysa isla markaana riman dhibaato soo socota|

haddii aad igu waafaqsan tahay in erayadani ay sidaa u dhadhamayaan, hadaba aan ogaano waxa keenay iney sidaa u muuqdaan. Marka la eego dhaqanka Soomaaliga halka uu ka soo bilaabmay, waxaan muran ka taagneyn inuu ahaa dhaqan kayimi intiisa badan nolosha miiga ee ku dhisan adadeeg iyo ilbaxnimo la'aan. Qaleef badan oo ka muuqda ayaa wuxuu dhaqankaasi keenay in haddiiba aan aragtida la isku raacin ay ka dhalato had iyo goor male aan wanaagsaneyn taa soo u badnaan karta mid rabshadeysan. Maadaama uu yahay dhaqan dhiirigeliya u dulqaadasho la'aanta aragtida kaa soo horjeeda, ayaa waxey sababtay in erayada ismaandhaaf iyo khilaaf u muuqdaan kuwo dhiilo xanbaarsan.

Laakiin erayadani maaha kuwo sida aan u fahamsan nahay ka turjumaya marka lagu eego luqadaha kale, wax walba waxa fool xumeeya ama qurxiya dhaxalka ilbaxnimo ee aad leedahay halka uu uu gaarsiisan yahay.

malaga yaabaa in erayadani ay isu badali karaan kuwo na tusa macnayaal qurux badan, haddii jawaabtu tahay haa, sidee bey inoo tusi karaan? inkastoo anan weli gaarin halkii aan u dan lahaa hadana su'aalahaasi iyo kuwo kaleba ka filo qeybta 2aad.

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¹ xigasho aragtidii Aristotle
² xigasho aragtidii Abwaan Gaariye

The Three Big Reasons Republicans Can’t Replace Obamacare.

Robert Reich

FRIDAY, JANUARY 6, 2017

Donald Trump says Republicans should repeal the Affordable Care Act immediately, and replace it with new legislation “shortly thereafter.” House Speaker Paul Ryan claims Republicans will try to repeal and replace the law “concurrently.” 

No chance. At least not if they want to avoid the specter of over 20 million Americans stranded without health insurance.

Repeal of Obamacare without replacement by an equivalent or better program will deny life saving care to millions – tens of thousands of whom will die of preventable or treatable conditions. 

But Republicans can’t and won’t replace Obamacare, for three big reasons.  

First, Republicans say they want their replacement to be “market-based.” But Obamacare is already market based – relying on private, for profit health insurers. 

That’s already a problem. The biggest health insurers – Anthem, Aetna, Humana, Cigna, and United Health – are so big they can get the deals they want from the government by threatening to drop out of any insurance system Republicans come up with. Several have already dropped out of Obamacare. 

Even now they’re trying to merge into far bigger behemoths that will be able to extort even better terms from the Republicans.                

Second, every part of Obamacare depends on every other part. Trump says he’d like to continue to bar insurers from denying coverage to individuals with preexisting conditions. 

But this popular provision depends on healthy people being required to pay into the insurance pool, a mandate that Republicans vow to eliminate. 

The GOP also wants to maintain coverage for lower-income Americans, but they haven’t indicated how. More than 80 percent of Americans who buy health insurance through Obamacare receive federal subsidies. Yet Republicans have no plan for raising the necessary sums. 

Which gets us to the third big reason Republicans can’t come up with a replacement. 

Revoking the tax increases in Obamacare – a key part of the repeal – would make it impossible to finance these subsidies.

The two biggest of these taxes  – a 3.8-percentage-point surtax on dividends, interest and other unearned income; and a 0.9-percentage-point increase in the payroll tax that helps fund Medicare – are also the most progressive. They apply only to people earning more than $200,000 per year. 

Immediately repealing these taxes, as the GOP says it intends to do, will put an average of $33,000 in the hands of the richest 1 percent this year alone, and a whopping $197,000 into the hands of the top 0.1 percent, according to the Tax Policy Center. 

The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities estimates that the 400 highest-income taxpayers (with incomes averaging more than $300 each) would each receive an average annual tax cut of about $7 million.

It would also increase the taxes of families earning between $10,000 and $75,000 – including just about all of Trump’s working class voters. 

Worse yet, eliminating the payroll tax increase immediately pushes Medicare’s hospital fund back toward the insolvency that was looming before Obamacare became law. 

Ultimately, the only practical answer to these three dilemmas is Medicare for all – a single payer system. But Republicans would never go for it. 

So without Obamacare, Republicans are left with nothing. Zilch. Nada. 

Except the prospect of 20 million people losing their health insurance, a huge redistribution from the working class to the very rich, and tens of thousands of avoidable deaths.

Attributes to Maryan Omar Ali (Aryette)

    Tacsi for Maryan (Aryette) Omar Ali 

              Lidwien Kapteijns 

  Inna lillah wa inna ilayhi raji’un 

     Maryan        Omar Ali 

                (Aryette) 

         —a life dedicated to Somali popular song 

young. They lived and worked in, among other places, Hargeisa, Jow- 

On December 7, 2011, Maryan Omar Ali, also known to people as Ary- 

ette, passed away in the McCall Medical Center in Etobicoke, Canada. 

She had struggled with breast cancer for many years. 

  Born in Djibouti before its independence in 1977, Maryan and her 

mother, Sahra Omer Goud, moved to Somalia when Maryan was very 

har, and Mogadishu. Maryan attended school in Hargeisa and Jowhar 

(the Mennonite school). However, while she was still a teenager, she 

managed to join Somali Airlines, first as a stewardess and later as a 

cashier and office manager. For a time she also returned to Djibouti, 

where she worked for Air Djibouti. In 1991 Maryan came to Canada. 

                                                          

She lived in Ottawa for four years and then moved to Toronto. 

  Somali popular songs were Maryan’s life-long love. She had been 

introduced to the Somali theater and songs in Hargeisa in the early 

1960s by her uncle, Hassan Sheikh Muumin. She grew up around 

the singers, spending much of her time with them in their work and 

living space. Maryan was among the first Somalis to see the social as 

well as intellectual and artistic value of the songs and plays, the social 

commentary and critique they embodied, and the ways in which they 

helped bring about political and social change. From the time she was 

a young girl until her death, Maryan cherished the songs; was a friend 

and support for many singers; and organized, documented, and stud- 

ied the music cassettes she accumulated. She often told us that, had she 

had a voice, she would have been a singer herself and thanked God for 

having protected her from the hard life singers in Somalia have so often 

faced. The singers are loved for their songs by every Somali, Maryan 

used to say, but they do not get the proper respect they deserve as our 

society’s truest and most eloquent spokespeople, teachers, and critics; 

and they rarely get adequately compensated financially. Maryan also 

regretted that the intellectual property of artists has not been respected 

more in the Somali context and this contributed to her desire to docu- 

ment who created the words and melody of a particular song and 

which singers and musicians performed it. She felt strongly that artists 

deserve credit and compensation for their artistic achievements and 

hoped to see progress in this area. 

  Maryan never developed a taste for (post-) civil war songs, largely 

because the songs of the 1960s–1980s reflected her own deep com- 

mitment to Somali nationalism—a modern, authentically Somali and 

organically Muslim national identity—one that, moreover, allowed 

women the space to pursue their dreams. As a young girl who was 

free-spirited and very active (some people jokingly called her Maryan 

wiilo), she did not easily fit all the conventions of her environment. 

Though the nation was proud of its first generation of beautiful and 

highly professional stewardesses, pioneers such as Maryan did not 

always get equal opportunity or equal pay for equal work. Hassan 

Sheikh Muumin’s lines from Shabeelnaagood captured its time elo- 

quently: Nagaadiga adduunyada qayb ku maleh naaguhu; xeerkii sidaa 

naqaa nimankaa samaystee. However, in all the positions Maryan held, 

in Somalia, in Djibouti, and eventually (before her illness) in Canada, 

she won the full respect and friendship of her supervisors and fellow 

workers. She was known to all for her hard work, total honesty, loy- 

alty, supportiveness to others, kindness, and generosity. To colleagues, 

friends, and family, Maryan gave even more freely of herself, even if 

this was at times at her own expense. 

  I owe my love and knowledge of Somali popular songs to Maryan, 

just as she developed a further interest in transcribing and document- 

ing the songs, I believe, through her collaboration with me. I still 

remember seeing her in North America for the first time. She came 

with a huge blue aluminum trunk that was full of Somali music cas- 

settes. We called it doonida jacaylka and it never ran out of new songs for 

us to listen to. “Ladan, come and sit with me.” “Maryan, I am busy.” 

“Let’s listen to some songs.” “But I don’t understand them.” “Then I 

will tell you what they mean. Now bring your tea and sit down!” The 

rest is history, as they say. I too fell in love with the songs and—over 

the years, in Ottawa, Toronto, and Wellesley—we spent months and 

months listening to them, transcribing them, making rough trans- 

                          Lidwien Kapteijns 

lations of them, and always also simply enjoying them. Eventually 

this also led to an academic publication, Women’s Voices in a Man’s 

World (Heinemann, 1999), whose second part deals with the love songs 

of the 1960s–1980s. However, Maryan cared most about the artistic 

beauty, linguistic brilliance, creative impulse, emotional power, and 

social message of the songs. The popular songs to which Maryan dedi- 

cated so much of her life have indeed inspired a whole generation of 

Somalis. 

  Maryan loved all genres of songs, from love songs to nabi ammaan. 

However, the waddani songs of the 1960s and 1970s were and remained 

among Maryan’s favorites. Like her mother, who first actively par- 

ticipated in the struggle for independence and later represented the 

new Somali state as a member of many foreign delegations, Maryan 

believed in soomaalinimo, which she saw as a cultural, linguistic, and 

historical umbrella that could provide shade and protection for Soma- 

lis in all their diversity. 

  Having come of age together with the new nation and at the height 

of Somali nationalism, Maryan (as well as her mother) held fast to 

some of the central values of the 1960s. Their ilbaxnimo, or cosmopoli- 

tanism, was not only the simple elegance of living that was associated 

with Mogadishu in that period but also the ilbaxnimo of tolerance and 

mutual respect—the philosophical principle that gives others the space 

to be themselves, that respects and accepts all kinds of people and that, 

eventually, measures them only by the quality of their dadnimo and 

soomaalinimo and never by some aspect of the identity or background 

into which they were born and over which they had no control. The 

clan chauvinism and divisiveness that came later were always alien to 

them. 

  Maryan did not like Somali clan politics and stayed away from it in 

word and deed. She despised any form of clan chauvinism and clan- 

based divisiveness. When, at the height of the civil war, Somali fannaan 

made that mistake and lent his or her artistic voice to a program of 

clan hatred, she too was disappointed, because, before the civil war, 

Somali artists had been the voice of the nation par excellence. However, 

if anyone dared to criticize a singer for having shown such clan bias, 

Maryan would defend that fannaan fiercely. She found such accusers 

hypocritical; how could Somali artists alone be held to a standard that 

the large majority of political leaders and many intellectuals and com- 

mon people had failed to meet? Maryan felt strongly that the work of 

an artist’s lifetime should not be denied just because he or she, like too 

                                                     

many other Somalis, was temporarily swept up in the hate-speech of 

the civil war. Thus she always was a passionate advocate for the Somali 

fannaaniin, these national figures who as ordinary human beings with 

extraordinary gifts always were both powerful and vulnerable at the 

same time. 

  Until the very end, Maryan had not only her mother by her side but 

also a group of Somali women (and men) who lived in or near their 

apartment building and made helping Maryan and her mother part of 

their daily routine. Many of them were close and distant relatives with 

roots in the Borama area (such as Safia Jama) but there were many oth- 

ers as well, including Hooyo Sahra’s life-long friend Khadiija Islaw. In 

them Maryan and her mother are truly blessed. 

  Maryan never complained about the illness with which she strug- 

gled for so long. Both she and her mother found strength and forbear- 

ance in their faith. They answered all expressions of sympathy and 

sadness with the words: Ilaahay mahaddii—waa wixii Rabbi qoray. 

  We will miss Maryan. Allah ha u naxariisto. We will keep her in our 

minds and hearts and try to live up to the standards of dadnimo and 

ilbaxnimo she held up for us. 

Notes 

1. Samatar, Ahmed I. (2011) “Battling on Two Fronts: Introducing Maryan Omar Ali,” 

Bildhaan: An International Journal of Somali Studies: Vol. 9, Article 8. Available at: http:// 

digitalcommons.macalester.edu/bildhaan/vol9/iss1/8. 

 

Amin Camir, Khumeyniga Soomaaliya

!

Dalka Iran waxaa uu ahaan jiray wadan furfuran (dabacsan) xiriir wanaagsanna la lahaan jiray dalalka kale ee dunida intooda badan xiligii Maxamed Ridaa Bahlavi.

Xiligii Bahlavi, Iran waxey gaartay heerkii ugu sareeyey xagga aqoonta, oo boqolaal reer Iran ah baa sannad walba dibadaha wax barasho loogu qaadi jiray. Waana xiliga seynis-yahanada reer Iran sameysmeen ee maanta jira intooda badan. Tirada shaqo la'aanta Iran waxey gaadhay xiligaa heerkii ugu hooseyey, dhaqaaluhuna kor u kacay.

Dedaalkii Bahlavi waxaa subax kaliya cirka u laalay Rohullah Khumaine oo ahaa wadaad diimeed, oo markaa soo caan baxayey, kadib khudbad uu subax qura u jeediyey dadkii reer Iran, khudbadaa soo ku soo biyo shubaneysay in Bahlavi uu diintoodii ka iibshay reer galbeedka. Dad ka badan malaayiin ayaa subax qura ku yaacay magaalada Tehran iyagoo mudaaharaadaya. Taa soo markii danbe keentay in Bahlavi uu dhaco.

Iran, Bahlavi kadib waxey gashay go'doon siyaasadeed, mid dhaqaale iyo mid wax barasho mudo ka badan 20 sano,

Halka aan doonayey inaan Amin Camir iyo Khumaine isaga ekeysiiyo waa dimoqraadiyada Iran iyo dowrka uu Ayatollah Khumaine-niga maanta jooga uu ku leeyahay, oo ah sidan.

Demoqradiyada Iran waa mid gacanta ugu jidha Ayatollah Khumaine, dadka reer Iran waxey kala doortaan oo qura dhowr qof oo uu Khumaine soo ansixiyey, waxaana loo yaqaan (Iranian-style democracy) waana nooca dimoqraadiyadeed ee ay diideen dadka reer Hong Kong kadib faragelinta China.
Haddiise uu soo dhex galo murashaxiinta uu Khumaine ansixiyey nin kaloo dool ah, waxaa farta ku fiiqa Khumaine qudhiisa, sidii ku dhacday Cali Akbar Rafsanjani oo mar isu soo taagay doorashada Madaxweynaha. Khumaine khudbo jumce oo aad loo dhageysto ayuu ku canbaareyey Rafsanjani oo ku sheegay inuu yahay Bahlavi-gii 2aad. Taasina waxey gabagabeysay murashaxnimadii Rafsanjani.

F.G. Rafsanjani caradii waagaa ka raacday wuxuu halgan u galay inuu galo gudi 7 qof ah oo iyagu soo doorta hogaamiyaha ugu sarreeya ee ruuxiga ah ee Iran, si uu uga hortago in uu yimaado hoogaamiye ruuxeed oo nooca Ayatollah oo kale ah, wuuna soo soo galay!

Amin Caamir waa farshaxaniiste leh malaayiin la dhacsan farshaxankiisa gaar ahaan kuwiisa xagga siyaasadda.

Amin fikirkiisa gaarka ayaa si weyn farshaxankiisa looga dheehdaa kaa soo hadba uu shacabka ugu tilmaamo murashaxa uusan dooneyn oo uu ku lamaansho Ethiopia iyo midka uu doonayo oo uu wadani ka dhigo.

Xiligii madaxweyne Cabdulahi, Waxaan kala garan kari waayi jiray Amiin Caamir iyo maxaakimtii. Tan maantana adaan kuu deyn.

Maxey kula tahay